PDF | On Feb 1, , Endi Aulia Garadian and others published Bringing the ' Legend' Back in: Revolution Ideas in Saur Sepuh under New. PowerPoint Presentation: SAUR SEPUH 1: Satria Madangkara Buat yang pengen banget nonton film laga SAUR SEPUH 1: Satria. Singgasana Brama Kumbara (Brama Kumbara Throne) is an Indonesian historical-drama television series, produced by PT. Menaragading Citraperkasa ( Now Genta Buana Paramita). It is an adaptation of a popular radio series "Saur Sepuh" with some changes Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version.
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Through this research, three categories of spaces presented through Indonesian film flyers are identified. The first two of these categories, those of urban or city spaces and rural or village spaces, are commonly positioned, both by academics and by the general public, in a state of binary opposition; stereotypes abound, for instance, of the sophisticated urbanite and the simple villager.
The third category, which we term "other space", is a dynamic space which offers the potential for a deconstruction of the urban rural opposition and challenges to expectations of order. This "other space" separates the concept of space from that of place, guiding viewers to recognize markers of urbanity and rurality outside of their normal context while also allowing for a direct combination of these markers.
What is in a Space Before examining the depictions of urban spaces, rural spaces, and "other spaces" in Indonesian film flyers, it is first necessary to understand the concept of space itself. Though long assimilated within the concept of place Agnew, Space is more general, a conceptualization or abstraction which includes within it both places and concepts attached to them, whereas place is understood as a specific, fixed, physical location.
Space can be understood as being similar to Soja's concept of thirdspace Woodrich Urban Spaces, Rural Spaces, and Other Spaces in Indonesian Film Flyers and the differential, structure and agency, mind and body, consciousness and the unconscious, the disciplined and the transdisciplinary, everyday life and unending history".
The concept of space thus "encapsulates not only physical location, but also abstract conceptual space" Upstone, It is both real and imagined Soja, , including actual physical locations Jakarta, Surakarta, etc. These socially constructed concepts include within them specific markers of space, including architecture, codes of dress and conduct, economic systems, etc.
Unlike place, space is shifting and indeterminate. Spaces are open to the possibility of transformation as they interact with each other throughout history; codes of fashion, of music, of entertainment, etc. Owing to the inherently important role of time in determining the boundaries of particular spaces, space "must be read alongside temporality as a factor of equal significance" Upstone, Space may cover numerous classes of place and even more specific locations. Upstone, for instance, identifies five types of space, based on the scale of place covered: The most important of these for the current research project is what she terms city space, a subnational space which is better identified here as a "settlement" space, one which is commonly recognized in terms of both urban space and rural space.
The settlement space includes not only the physical locations themselves, but also stereotypical abstractions of the cultures they contain, including but certainly not limited to codes of dress baseball caps, woven bamboo hats , of architecture skyscrapers, barns, etc. Subnational settlement space "is often seen to be represented so as to act metonymically as a reflection of national tensions", but may also "be seen to offer its own specific geopolitics" Upstone, In other words, though these spaces are often viewed as metonyms of the nation -space , such that for instance the fictional Duckburg and its despotic leader Uncle Scrooge of "Paman Gober" Seno Gumira Ajidarma, can be understood as a criticism of Indonesia under President Soeharto Anwar, Both metonymic and specific spatial considerations shall be examined in this article.
Urban Spaces: Imagining the City Urban spaces are frequently depicted in the film flyers examined. This is not surprising, given the Soeharto government's well noted prioritization of development and construction. These flyers delineate urban space through their depictions of cities as places and locations, depictions of human factors and interactions, and depictions of cities as sites where technology is used and developed. Figure 1: Depictions of idealized skylines in Tahu Beres and Gadis Malam Several flyers depict the city space by emphasizing the physical city itself.
Jakarta, the main setting albeit often implicitly for most Indonesian films, is a common subject for flyer backgrounds particularly the city's skyline Figure 1 though it is not reproduced faithfully.
In Tahu Beres , the physical contours of the buildings depicted resemble those along Sudirman Street in the early s. This playful reproduction of the Hollywood sign connects modern Jakarta, which was then undergoing a period of great construction, 1 with 1 Mann Woodrich Urban Spaces, Rural Spaces, and Other Spaces in Indonesian Film Flyers modern Los Angeles, which was already recognized as a global city and was a hub of international film production. Gadis Malam , meanwhile, combines the nighttime skyline of a bustling urban center with an image of a rolling sea to create a modern seaside urban center suggestive of Hong Kong or New York.
In both of these cases, the buildings which make up the skyline are obscured in shadows, drawing attention away from individual buildings' features. Furthermore, the distant views of the city's buildings are suggestive of an order not apparent in the interactions of the films' main characters the shocked faces of Tahu Beres, the promiscuity of Gadis Malam.
Other cities are often identified as well. These tend to be present in both the films' titles and in the actual illustration, either explicitly by naming the city, such as Putri Solo  or implicitly by referring to a noted landmark, as with Jembatan Merah . The flyer for Putri Solo, for instance, includes a street scene framed between the film's two main characters. Central to this scene is a series of large Surakarta-style gapura, or gates, harkening to the large gates which welcome visitors in Gladag, the north entrance to the Sunan's palace.
The flyer for Jembatan Merah, meanwhile, features the titular bridge and its distinctive metalwork prominently, despite being dominated by images of the two main characters. In both of these cases the flyers are illustrated, and the depictions of these landmarks is idealized. Order is introduced to the throngs of people passing through the gates, who walk through the gates almost in file.
These people are separated from the only vehicle shown, a horse- drawn carriage suited for the "traditional" setting, unlike an automobile , by a curb and a streetlight. The Red Bridge of Surabaya, meanwhile, is shown as being empty except for one person: The flyer depicted the Yogyakartan street in an abstracted manner, as being full of unnamed shops and orderly shoppers either on foot or in automobiles.
Examples of films from this period named after cities include Lenggang Djakarta , Putri Solo , and Putri dari Medan Clothing worn by the characters depicted is indubitably westernized, even in cities identified as "traditional" contrast, for instance, the clothing worn by the female lead of Putri Solo with the depiction of Surakarta itself. Upper-class characters may wear suits or short-cut party dresses,3 the latter often shimmering as if embedded with sequins or made from satin.
Middle-class youth may be identified with jeans or exercise clothing, a trope spotted in flyers for such varied films as Gejolak Kawula Muda and Makin Lama Makin Asyik Though both middle- class and lower-class characters may wear cotton pants and shirts, more traditional Figure 2: Inem Pelayan Sexy 3 3 Compare with the suit and long party dress worn by the main characters of Lenggang Djakarta; though fashions changed between the s and the s, the tendency to identify the city with "modern" or "Western" markers did not.
Woodrich Urban Spaces, Rural Spaces, and Other Spaces in Indonesian Film Flyers clothing such as the peci4 or sarung appears, in these depictions of secular urban space at least, limited to lower-class comic relief figures, a denigration of tradition for the sake of a Westernized "modernity". Human interactions including fighting, running, and playing are central to these flyers' depictions of both urban and rural space. One form of interaction sexual intercourse, or at least the hint of it is considerably more prominent in depictions of urban spaces.
Though depictions of sexual intercourse are generally centered on the bodies of the man and woman never two men or two women ,5 as in Ranjang Pemikat , in one instance the flyer for Gadis Malam the sexual tryst is depicted in front of an urban backdrop.
A woman, dressed in a strapless black dress, sits on the lap of a young man and gazes into his eyes. Though both figures are fully dressed and sitting in a manner which precludes intercourse, the act of penetration is still suggested using a symbol which simultaneously represents Westernization, modernity, and sexuality: This is particularly evident in the flyer for Anak-Anak Buangan , which starkly contrasts the three main characters and their conformist peers, who are crowded in a group on a staircase.
Using a mixture of forced perspective and superimposed images, the flyer depicts the main characters as being some six times taller than their peers. As a result, the main characters' faces are clearly identifiable, whereas the members of the crowd have indistinct or even inexistent features.
The blue jeans of the two men stand in stark contrast to the swathes of black and white worn by the crowd. Furthermore, the three main characters are ascending the staircase, whereas the anonymous crowd are, as one, descending it. The implication of this contrast is clear: Under the early Soeharto government, religious symbols such as the jilbab and looser kerudung were often repressed in favor of more secular nationalistic symbols; for example, young women could not wear the veil with their school uniforms until See Effendi The peci meanwhile, remained more accepted, and indeed it was common in official presidential and vice-presidential portraits.
During the period studied here, homosexuality was frequently depicted as a deviancy, one which often went hand-in-hand with crimes such as rape Remaja Lampu Merah, and murder Istana Kecantikan, or mental diseases such as manic depression Tinggal Bersama, Interestingly, these films depicting homosexuality were often but not always, see Titian Serambut Dibelah Tujuh, set in the cities. Those who refuse to conform, as with the titular characters, become exiles.
Meanwhile, in the advertisement for Inem Pelayan Sexy 3 ; Figure 2 , the titular character is depicted as speaking at a packed political rally, under a banner reading "Maids Ready to Support Development": She speaks in front of a large crowd of people who, though again relatively indistinct as individuals, can be assumed to be maids owing to their simple dress and attendance at the rally.
Both speaker and audience make full use of then- modern technology, allowing them greater interconnectivity. Audience members hold large photographs of the speaker over their heads, presumably rendered affordable through advances in printing technology and the ready availability of materials in urban areas.
The speaker, dressed in markers of the upper class including a boa , stands before them on a podium. Urban technology in these flyers is not limited simply to communications technology. Transportation technology, including automobiles Sepandjang Malioboro , motorcycles Doea Tanda Mata, , helicopters Inem Pelayan Sexy 3 and trains Demi Anakku, , is readily visible.
Artificial lighting is another common feature in these flyers, being included in such advertisements as Gadis Malam and Jembatan Merah. Overall, this use of technological markers presents an identification of urban spaces with "modernity". The technology used is not, however, entirely "modern": These are generally used in contexts where a non-modern theme is being evoked for instance, a father wearing glasses has connotations of an older, less modern, generation.
Life in the Countryside Figure 3: Romanticized fields and forests Kembang Padang Kelabu  and Seruling Senja  Generally, depictions of rural spaces in the flyers surveyed neglect human elements aside from the characters central to the image. Furthermore, the focus of depictions of rural spaces is consistently not the village as a place of human settlement,8 and works of human engineering and technology are rarely but not never, as indicated by the lighthouse in Pulau Cinta and mountaineering equipment in Ranjau-Ranjau Cinta shown.
Rather, these depictions focus on the beauty of the nature found outside of cities, which offers characters universally given markers of modernity such as Western clothing a chance to escape from the distractions of the city and to focus on their emotions or desires. Fields and forests are common representations of rural space in the flyers surveyed. Mencari Cinta and Tak Seindah Kasih Mama , for instance, have panels depicting a young man and woman holding hands as they move through a well-cultivated 8 This appears to have changed since the s, when Satria Desa showed a single house located amidst the rice fields and backgrounded by mountains.
Further investigation as to the reasons for this perceived shift is required. The city was narrated by the New Order government as being central to all aspects of an Indonesian national identity, with other areas, no matter how populous, being referred to as daerah 'the provinces'. This carried over, as noted above, into the film industry.
Sen and Hill Even then, the national language Indonesian was used instead of the appropriate regional language.
Another flyer, Seruling Senja ; Figure 3 , features a close-up shot of a woman resting her head on the shoulder of a mustached man. Their faces and bodies are superimposed over two images of forests; in the top image, the bare trees hint at a troubled future, whereas the in the bottom image a lush tropical forest awaits, a future of hope.
Some variants of this theme introduce further elements: The consistent portrayal of apparently urban youths, travelling to rural forests or fields or being superimposed therein by the flyer designers speaks of a romanticization of these locations, understood here as both idealizing forests and as depicting them as places for romance.
The urban residents of Indonesia have long vacationed in the mountainous forests or fields, seeking beauty and cooler, less polluted air.
It is thus unsurprising that, even in cases where the film itself is predominantly set in an urban environment such as Ranjau-Ranjau Cinta , flyers for romantic films tended to emphasize rural forested spaces. However, a much different connotation is offered by another form of rural space: As with representations of forests, depictions of beaches identify characters as modern through their clothing.
Characters do not carry, for instance, fishing nets or wear clothing appropriate for fishing at the sea. Rather, they are clad in apparel often bikinis, considered to be Western bathing attire which is more suited for recreation, such as wading, swimming or sunbathing.
These markers again show that the characters depicted are persons from urban locations who do not live at the beach, but rather visit it; indeed, the publication of these flyers is contemporary with the rise and growth of beach tourism in Indonesia, particularly Bali Hampton and Hampton, Some flyers, such as 10 Significantly, the more sexual connotations of these forests and fields—the fact, for instance, that bungalows are often used for forbidden sexual trysts—are not apparent in the flyers examined.
This suggests that romance is more closely identified with forests than beaches discussed below. Woodrich Urban Spaces, Rural Spaces, and Other Spaces in Indonesian Film Flyers Senyummu adalah Tangisku , maintain a romantic atmosphere, focusing on fully clothed couples playing hand-in-hand in the water, suggesting that the persons depicted have come to enjoy the beauty of nature with a loved one. Other flyers, meanwhile, hint at an open sexuality offered by beaches.
Looking at the winning essays, we are conident that most, if not all, of them will be strong candidates for the doctoral program. We believe higher educaion and the culivaion of new scholars is an important part of the struggle to give women a fair and equal voice in educaion and public life across Indonesia.
Dewi Chandraningrum, Dr. Ratna Noviani and Dr. Mil- dred Wagemann. The judges for the History Essay Compeiion were Dr. Baskara Wardaya, Dr.
Peter Carey and Dr. Yosef Jakababa. She gives tone to the preservaion of indigenous knowledge such as processing the natural color and spinning coton, as one of the things that need to be quickly addressed before it is exinct. This paper found out that merely a few people know how to do it, thus there is a threat of this knowledge How do Women Laugh? It is suggested that conserving the knowledge of weaving based on natural and tradiional process, which is more sus- Like the Medusa tainable, requires more studies and possibiliies to be integrated with formal educa- ion or as a curriculum in schools.
The division of work between men and women can Dewi Candraningrum be reconstructed, for example the husband can help in spinning and coloring while dcandraningrum gmail. She unearths that it afects many aspects of life such as en are dark, emoional, irraional, and incomprehensible—something that he called increasing workload, violence against women, both physical and psychological, food as dark coninent.
She believed via this undeinable concept any disabled taion. She then suggests that the government must take feminine symbols that at the same ime also rejected ideas of essenialism. Ijon sys- experience in her ime and space, together the narraives ofer an insight into the tem appears as helpers who provide false assistance to the poor then ensnares them ways women creaively inscribe their diference.
Language can be used to reconstruct in a miserable poverty prison. In the event of crop failure, then between colonizaion and disempowerment of speciic women within speciic locus. Aceh is well known as one of regions that has an abundant natural resource in Indonesia, namely oil, gas, ISRSF has provided this plaform of jusice, speciically for women.
Among 64 essays and gold mine as, well as where one of the biggest rain-forests in the world, Leuser, ater plagiarism check, with fruiful collaboraion with juries Mildred Wagemann and is located.
She propos- individual self in womanhood. Second, it strengthens which foregrounds muliple voices rather than an individual, monolithic voice. How the rights holders to claim their rights, which means that it advocates the interest of do women laugh?
Like the Medusa. The wear- ers of these two types of Hijabs oten experience judgment, sexual objeciicaion and even harassment without their consent.
Asna inds that apart from the strong patriarchal culture in Indonesia, the lack of awareness in gender issues among Indonesian Muslim women themselves also becomes one of the apparent reasons why such oppression sill happens unil today.
She concludes that Indonesian Muslim women should realize and embrace the un- derstanding that their morality, religiosity, and sexual purity cannot be deined solely based on a piece of veil or clothing.
Instead of criicizing other women who have diferent preferences, Indonesian Muslim women should respect and empower each other. She analyses that Ima and Sandra are Indone- sian-born cosmopolitan women who struggled to lee human traicking, and then transformed into human dignity agents abroad. Periwi inds that moral commitments of Ima and Sandra, rooted in natural moral concerns, are to help vicims of human traicking to wake up from trauma, rebuild their human capabiliies and feel equal to normal people.
She loudly proposes strong cosmopolitan aitudes so that wider cooperaion and more efecive measures can be implemented sustainably to combat human traicking and to bring jusice for vicims and all humans. D Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta Indigenous peoples are the original people who live in an indigenous way and have a close connecion to their ancestral lands, customary laws, language, and social culture.
Indonesia has many indigenous peoples, also known as Masyarakat Adat or Masyarakat Hukum Adat1, living mostly in remote area spread all over the country. Their exact number is sill unknown. Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara AMAN 2 esimates that at least there are 1, indigenous communiies in the total populaion of about 50—70 million people.
Forests are not merely funcioned as economic resources but also as the center of their belief system. The indigenous peoples perform rituals and live a life based on their local wisdom. They believe that the tradiional rituals have noble values to get closer to the Creator, sincerity, purity as well as gratuity.
Indonesia today is a country that has the highest rate of forest loss in the world. Some of the forests are customary forests where indigenous peoples live for years. However, the government does not recognize the ownership of customary forest indigenous acclaimed. Indonesian Indigenous Peoples have been impoverished systemaically in the name of development.
De Royer et al.